بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
21/ October 1999
WORKING PAPER
FOR A
COMPREHENSIVE
POLITICAL AGREEMENT
IN SUDAN
Sudan, along with all the newly
independent countries had experienced the transfer of power to a
National Government through a Democratic system based on the
British model.
Democracy in
Britain, and in the other countries, which witnessed its birth,
took two centuries to develop. Its development was preceded by
certain aspects, which prepared for it: The development of the
Nation- State the Industrial Revolution, the spread of education,
and cultural enlightenment.
However,
Democracy in Sudan and in countries with similar circumstances was
introduced in one go and without the preparatory aspects mentioned
earlier. Consequently the ensuing body politic, the Modern State,
the institutions of civil society like the political parties, the
Trade unions, was all underdeveloped and weak.
By contrast, the
armed forces in the Newly Independent States were relatively more
developed than the institutions of Civil Society. They received
added attention because they were the instruments of the colonial
authority to keep law and order. The fact that the organization of
the armed forces is built around simple notions to create and
maintain cohesion through discipline helped.
Wherever the
Democratic system of Government faced turbulence, the armed forces
interfered. In many cases certain radical political forces, to
gain power, attempt to by-pass the prevailing social reality, and
make a short cut to modernization and development.
In both cases of
military intervention, the armed forces acquired a basic political
role.
Sudanese politics
oscillated between fragile Democratic Governments, and despotic
military Governments, causing endemic instability in the country.
Political
instability was coupled with a National Economy, which suffered
from there structural defects: -
FIRTST:
Inbalance between the modern and the traditional economic sectors.
SECOND:
Regional economic in balance.
THIRD:
Sharp disparities between social
classes. Such inbalances resulted in many regional and social
groups feeling of alienation and marginalization.
Sudan is a
country with a plurality of religions, cultures, and ethnic
identities. The colonial Government had concluded that there are
two Sudans: -
An Islamic
Arabic Sudan, and an African Sudan. The later they sought to
preserve for its African and Christian ways. This “Sudan” they
separated as closed districts, closed to Islamic Arabic contacts.
Sudanese
National consciousness first developed in the North. The National
movement as developed in the North, sought to reverse colonial
policy by cultural unification. Feelings of cultural domination,
of economic and social marginalization, and political deprivation
as practiced particularly by the oppressive military regimes which
governed the country for 75% of Sudanese political life since
independence are the main causes of the current civil war.
The present Regime in Sudan
had applied a policy of cultural unification, governmental
despotism, and an agenda of regional and international
expansionism.
In resistance to this policy,
the civil war became even more bitter because it acquired an added
religious factor. Its fronts also expanded because of an alliance
between all the aggrieved political forces of Sudan. This broad
fronted National Resistance enjoyed the support of Regional and
International forces alienated by the Regime`s politics.
Consequently, the culture of violence pervaded the country and
Sudanese citizens engaged in politics have come to expect only one
of two fates: to kill or to be killed.
In such climate, the civil
war became more atrocious, and it’s Humanitarian effects become
more tragic. To day Sudan stands at the crossroads before one of
the following possibilities: -
-
Escalation
of the culture of violence with all the accompanying Regional and
International alliances to such an extent that the country becomes
victim to a scenario of a free for all violence along the pattern
which plagued Cambodia and
Lebanon in Asia, and Somalia and Liberia in Africa.
-
The
International Community deciding that enough is enough in the
Sudan, whose political
groups, are incapable of reaching a political agreement.
The IGAD
Declaration of Principles states that if the two sides fail to
reach agreement towards a united Sudan, the South should exercise
self-determination.
On this
basis, the International community could force a political
solution.
Such
logic takes the total lack of confidence between the Regime in
Khartoum and the SPLM/A for granted.
In such
circumstances self-determination would lead to separation, and the
formation of two mutually hostile States.
They
will target each other, and seek to destabilize each other.
The reasonable alternative to
such a scenario is a comprehensive Peace agreement between all-not
only two-parties to the conflict. Such a comprehensive political
agreement will also achieve democratic legitimacy by making the
peoples the judge of who governs and how? Such a comprehensive
political agreement will have a broad popular base, which
constitutes a fortress of protection against the adventures of
self-seekers and adventures.
A
comprehensive Political Agreement could be based on the following
principles.
A Declaration of Principles
for a Comprehensive Political
Agreement.
1-
The peace Agreement.
The Sudanese
political forces as represented the National Democratic Alliance
and the forces representing the present regime in Sudan declare
their support for the following principles to form the basis of a
just peace agreement:-
(A)
Citizenship is the basis of constitutional rights and duties.
(B)
Separation
between political and religious institutions.
(C)
No
national group is entitled to any privileges because of its
religious, cultural, or ethnic identity.
(D)
The
International charters concerning Human rights are binding.
(E)
Recognition of Religious, cultural, and ethnic plurality in
Sudan.
(F)
The
country to be governed on a decentralized basis, the distribution
of powers between the center and the states to be implemented as
previously agreed.
(G)
The
restructuring of the institutions of States to accommodate
cultural plurality and federal government.
(H)
Just
participation in Government.
(I)
The
elimination of the scars of the civil war, and the voluntary
resettlement of the displaced people.
(J)
The
implementation of these commitments during a transition period
which should not exceed two years.
At the end of the transition
period the South within its 1956 boundaries, will be requested to
choose between a voluntary federal unity, or confederation, or
independence.
The Nuba Mountains, the
INGASANA Mountains, and ABYEY district would receive political,
economic, and administrative reforms during the transition period.
They are entitled to decide
through plebiscite their political and administrative future.
2-
The System of Government.
(A)
Sudanese
political forces to commit themselves to the establishment of a
pluralistic, federal, democratic system of Government guaranteeing
Human Rights, and basic freedoms.
(B)
The
democratic system most becoming the
Sudan is a Presidential Federal
Democracy which establishes a strong executive, separates
constitutional powers, and establishes a distinct division between
central and regional powers on the basis of the constitution.
(C)
A cultural
Charter, which recognizes religious cultural and ethnic plurality
and lays the basis for co-existence between the different National
groups, would be incorporated into the guiding principles of the
constitution.
(D)
National
commitment to sustainable development aiming at the construction
of the material in infrastructure, the establishment of the social
infrastructure, and the establishment of the free Market Economy,
without prejudice to social and regional justice.
(E)
To endorse
a policy of accountability for misdeeds since independence, to
eliminate injustices and to cleanse public life.
3-
Regional and International
Relations.
(A)
To
establish positive good neighborliness which caters for mutual
development and security matters.
(B)
The
establishment of special relations with
Sudan’s closer neighbors whose
interests interlock with Sudan’s.
(C)
The
establishment of Sudan’s
international relations on the basis of international cooperation,
and support for international peace, and international legitimacy.
4-
The establishment of a transition Government
that abides by the principles herein stated, and executes the
following program in a transition period, which does not extend to
more than two years.
(A)
To
restructure the state institutions.
(B)
Run the
plebiscite for self-determination.
(C)
Run the
free National general elections, and transfer power to the elected
Government.
The Comprehensive Political
Agreement
Introduction: -
The long lasting civil war in
Sudan has divided the peoples of Sudan, arrested their development,
it created National and Regional instability, and focussed
international attention on Sudan because its troubles are
endangering world peace and international stability.
Several factors have caused
strife in Sudan. The main causes are the policies of forced
acculturation, developmental inbalance, and the lack of balance in
the distribution of social services-factors, which polarized
citizens and prepared the ground for civil war.
The oscillation between
Democratic and despotic military systems and the strains created by
the civil war blocked the emergence of a generally accepted
constitutional legitimacy upon which to base government stability in
Sudan.
The issues of political stability,
security, and development exert mutual influence in the geopolitical
entities of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Valley, and the Savanna
Belt creating common concern for their security, development, and
stability.
Other issues, namely, Islamic
Militancy, illegal emigration to the west, the size of Sudan’s
external debt, the Humanitarian tragedy created by the effects of
war and famine drawing numerous N.G.O. activities into the Sudan,
have together created a Sudan world problem to be resolved as a
chapter of the comprehensive political Agreement. That Agreement
falls into five chapters.
·
The Peace
Agreement.
·
Constitutional legitimacy.
·
International Relations.
·
Transitional
responsibilities.
·
The
negotiation mechanism.
FIRST: The Peace Agreement.
The five chapters form a
consistent whole. The peace agreement itself falls into five
sections:
First section:
Religion and State.
Second section:
cultural plurality. The issue of National Identity
Third section:
The elimination of the effects of the civil war.
Forth section:
The restructuring of State institutions.
Fifth section:
Self-determination.
First section: Religion and State
On the basis of the NAIROBI,
Declaration of ABRIL 1993 and the ASMARA resolution OF 1995, THE
Sudanese constitution guarantees the following: -
(A)
The
Sudanese State is a civil State, in
which Sovereignty is for the people, and Government is Democratic
and Federal. Constitutional rights and duties in this civil State
are based upon citizenship.
(B)
The State
recognizes religious plurality in
Sudan, it guarantees religious
freedom, and the rights of religious groups to fulfill their beliefs
and calling provided they abide by the following:-
·
Separation
between political and religious institutions. No political parties
shall be formed on a religious, ethnic, or regional basis.
·
No National
Group shall be entitled to any privileges because of its religious,
cultural, or ethnic identity.
·
The
principles concerning Human Rights embodied in International
charters shall be incorporated in the country’s constitution.
Second section: Identity.
Sudan is home to numerous
cultures. This cultural plurality shall be recognized and their
freedom of expression shall be guaranteed.
They are expected to coexist
in mutual toleration. The following cultural Charter regulates
cultural matters in the Sudan: -
FIRST:
The cultural groups in Sudan mutually recognize each other, and are
entitled to full expression of their cultural identity provided they
abide by the following conditions:
·
To respect
the rights of equal citizenship for all.
·
To coexist
with the rights of others and not to seek to undermine them.
Second:
The country’s Development, educational and information programs,
recognize the country’s cultural plurality and help Sudanese
cultures to develop them selves.
THIRD:
The country’s cultural policies would seek to reconcile their
central and regional aspects and reinforce the bond of citizenship.
FOURTH:
Sudan’s cultural entities should seek to enrich each other through
friendly contacts. The recognition of cultural plurality does not
prohibit intercultural exchange, nor prevent external exchanges.
There are universal Human principles namely, Democracy, social
justice, the love of knowledge, the scientific method, and all the
principles shared by civilizations. Sudanese cultures would seek to
adopt them. Also, there are universal moral values, namely, wisdom,
fidelity, truthfulness, and altruism. Sudanese cultures would
incorporate them in their acculturation strategies.
FIFTH:
Universal Human Rights would be digested by Sudan’s cultural groups
and integrated in their cultural expression. Sudanese cultures
generally suffer from a common weakness in various degrees. The
issue of women’s rights. This gender insensitivity should be
recognized, and the concept of human equality emphasized.
SIXTH:
To reject religious compulsion. To
encourage religious toleration. To conduct dialogue between the
Abrahamic faiths to outline common aspects between them which would
serve mutual understanding. To identify African values which
recognize a moral nexus between Humanity and the occult, between
Humanity and Nature, between the Rational and the instinctive, and
between present and past human generations.
They should be identified and
used to enrich spiritual and moral awakening in Sudan’s society.
SEVENTH:
Arabic is Sudan’s lingua franca. It is Africa’s number one National
language. Arabic would be recognized as Sudan’s National Language.
English is the number on
international language. English would be recognized as Sudan’s first
international language.
Sudan’s local languages and
dialects would be recognized in their regions and cultural contracts
between the country’s linguistic groups would be encouraged.
EIGHTH:
To encourage cultural contacts between the peoples of the Nile
basin, the peoples of the Savannah Belt, and the African and Arab
peoples. Mutual linguistic exchanges between these peoples would be
encouraged.
NINETH:
To cooperate with and welcome the positive aspects of Globalization,
and to establish protective means against its negative aspects. To
program a cultural response to Globalization.
TENTH:
To reject the concept of inevitable international hostility between
faiths. To reject the concept of the inevitability of clash of
civilizations which is especially fuelled by reactionary tendencies
in National cultures and Hegemonistic tendencies in External
cultures which would lead to a new Dark Age if allowed full play. To
pursue a dialogue of faiths, and a dialogue of cultures in the
pursuit of mutual Human understanding and brotherhood befitting the
future of MAN, the noblest of beings.
Third Section: The elimination
of the effects of the civil war.
The civil war created a huge
gulf of distrust, bitterness, and religious hatred between its
fighting parties, The call for self-determination which pervaded
political opinion in the South has come to embody the schism between
the people of the Sudan. The call for self-determination would have
caused a final break between the peoples of Sudan. However, the
politically conscious elements in Sudan have realized that the
extent of bitterness created would not allow the automatic
assumption of the country’s unity. They promptly accepted the need
for self-determination. This response absorbed much of the
bitterness, and persuaded the aggrieved political forces that their
views and feelings will be considered and that if the unity of the
country is reestablished; it will be on a voluntary basis and after
a serious effort to eliminate the historic grievances.
There are material scars of
the civil war. They are:
·
Numerous
refugees who fled the country, and numerous displaced peoples who
resorted to urban areas in the
Sudan and to the capital. The
voluntary resettlement of these peoples is a priority.
·
Rehabilitation of the Development schemes in the war torn areas is
another priority.
·
Thirdly: The
rehabilitation and reconstruction of the social infrastructure is
necessary.
Fourth Section: The
restructuring of State institutions.
The colonial Administration
established the institutions of state in a way which benefited
certain regions and social groups and marginelized others. Such
benefits and marginalization impaired the National Character of
State institutions.
The present regime
restructured State institutions in a way, which entrenched partisan
privilege.
It is necessary to recognize
these defects, and to restructure the institutions of State in a
balanced way to establish their National Character.
The institutions of State
are:
·
The civil
service with all its branches.
·
The
disciplined forces.
·
The National
Economy.
·
The
infrastructure of the social services.
(A)
The civil service:-
In addition to the historic
defects of the civil service, it has recently been bloated and
politicized in the interest of one party. It should be restructured
on the following basis: -
·
To
streamline it and rid it of corruption.
·
To raise its
efficiency and realize its neutrality.
·
To balance
its composition to make it a realistic reflection of
Sudan’s demographic composition.
·
To enable it
to accommodate the requirements of Federalism, and the requirements
of indirect rule in pastoral and rural areas.
(B)
The
disciplined Forces:
Namely, the Armed forces the
police, the security apparatus, prisons, and the protectors of wild
life. The functions of these forces should be ear marked and legally
separated to prevent any confusion of their functions.
The Armed Forces have been
most exposed to political manipulation, which down-graded it, and
used it in the name of various false slogans to destroy the Nation.
It should be restructured
along the following lines:
FIRST:
It should have high discipline and efficiency. Its basic frame
should be capable of expansion to face any defense requirements
along the Swiss model.
SECOND:
A compulsory National service would be required to provide the human
resources needed for the country’s security.
THIRD:
To curtail military expenditure to give priority to development.
Fourth:
The entrenchment of military commitment to the democratic system, to
its defense function, and to obey the command of the elected
Government.
FIFTH:
The complete insulation of the armed forces from party political
influences and from the requirements of internal security.
SIXTH:
The regulation of economic, commercial, and cooperative activities
within the armed forces.
SEVENTH:
The regulation of all the disciplined forces to avoid overlapping
and encroachments.
EIGHTH:
Balanced composition of the armed forces to reflect the reality of
the country’s demographic composition.
NINETH:
Police and prosecution functions to be confined to the police and
the public prosecution institution.
TENTH:
Extensive and efficient measures to prevent coup making
(C)
The National Economy:
Economic Development in Sudan
suffered from certain defects, particularly, the distribution of
development opportunities in favor of certain regions, and the bias
against the traditional sector.
During the periods of
military despotism, ill-advised ideological considerations have been
imposed on the economy corrupting it and destroying its viability.
The following measures need to be implemented: -
The establishment of a
disciplined financial system: to curtail the military and security
expenditure required by the totalitarian system.
A similar measure is needed
to curtail the bloated civilian expenditure associated with
unnecessary administrative expenditure. On the revenue side, a tax
reform is required to rationalize the tax-system and do away with
double taxation. In both cases of revenue and expenditure, it is
necessary to ear mark central and regional finances.
·
Reform of
the Banking system to enable the central Bank impose Banking
discipline. The implementation of monetary policies required to cut
down the volume of money and among other polices, restore the value
of the National currency.
·
The
rehabilitation of agricultural schemes, industrial plants, and
public utilities and the provision of the necessary in-puts.
·
The
borrowing of a regime, which lacks the legality and legitimacy to
represent the people, formed the external debt. The sums of money
involved were unwisely spent. Therefore it should be forgiven.
·
Rehabilitation and reconstruction of the war torn areas. There needs
to be a strong National commitment to Economic Development. The
economic policies leading up to it, involve the State’s role in the
construction of the material and social infrastructure, and the
establishment of a free market economy, along with measures to
protect the most vulnerable groups.
These
policies are: -
-
The
establishment of the rule of law, the protection of private
property, and enforcement of contractual obligations.
-
The pursuit
of macro-economic polices which encourage investment, enhance
productivity, enforce financial and monetary discipline, regulate
commercial activities, and raise the level of economic activity.
-
Development
of the material infrastructure in the fields of transport,
communication, and energy.
-
Redress the
imbalance in Regional Development.
-
Protection
of the most vulnerable sections of society in terms of free health
care and education.
-
Protection
of the environment.
-
Pursue
policies, which benefit from Globalization, and protect the National
economy from its adverse effects.
-
Seek the
benefit of a positive relationship between culture and development.
(D)
The Social Infrastructure:
The development experiences in
East Asian countries proved the falsehood of a previously held
belief that development requires, in its initial phase, neglect of
expenditure on social services. On the contrary, expenditure on
education and health is investment in human capital and is vital for
development.
Currently there are two types
of defects: -
·
Defects in
the policies of health and education in
Sudan.
·
Defects in
the Regional distribution of social services.
Several conferences have
analyzed these matters, their recommendations should be considered.
It is necessary to hold National conferences on education and Health
to study and recommend.
These recommendations should
be put before A National commission on education, and a National
commission on Health authorized to effect radical reforms in their
respective fields.
Sudan’s natural environment
has suffered soil erosion and desertification at a grand scale. A
National conference on the environment and the country’s natural
wealth should be convened to study the situation and decide upon the
necessary reforms. A national commission to apply these reforms
should be set up.
The three National
commissions on education, health, and the environment should be put
under the supervision of the country’s supreme executive power.
FIFTH SECTION:
Self-determination
The country’s political
forces have agreed upon self-determination for the following
reasons: -
(A)
Sudan is a multi-cultural country. The cultural and ethnic
gulf between North and South is profound and conspicuous.
(B)
The
Juba conference of 1947 decided that
the Sudan should develop into one Nation/State.
Southern representation in
that conference was inadequate. Many Southerners have questioned the
legitimacy of the Juba conference.
(C)
The 1958
coup d`etat suspended the process of constitution making and as it
put off considering federation, which was the condition made by
Southern politicians for accepting unity after independence.
(D)
The long
lasting civil war created a gulf of bitterness and distrust which
make it impossible to take continued unity for granted. Confidence
in unity has to be renewed within a choice of other alternatives.
Some Sudanese territories,
particularly in the South are de facto separated from the present
Sudanese State.
Self-determination is a means
to restore unity or legalize the present situation.
Self-determination would lead
to one of the following possibilities: -
·
If
self-determination is carried out when the
Sudan is governed by a Sudanese
State, which applies a monocultural program, a partisan Islamic
Arabic cultural identity, it would lead to separation and the
emergence of two hostile States.
·
If
self-determination is carried out under different circumstances,
namely, after a transition period during which the State guarantees
the equality of citizens, religious freedom for all, A cultural
plurality, balanced political participation, and just distribution
of wealth and social services, its probable result would favor
unity.
The ASMARA
Resolutions of 1995 decreed that self-determination for the South
should be carried out within the 1956 boarders.
There are
certain measures concerning The Nuba and INGSANA Mountains and the
District of ABYEY. The measures require the implementation of
certain reforms and ascertaining the choice of their inhabitants
regarding their political and administrative future.
ABYEY
DISTRICT:
·
ABYEY is
inhabited mostly by peoples from DINKA tribe. The district itself is
claimed by the MISSERIA Arab tribe, which maintains that they have
hosted the DINKA after an incident in the past. The claims and
counter claims involved cannot be settled by any mutually agreed
objective criteria. They cannot and should not be settled by force.
The only possible alternative is seek a negotiated settlement.
·
There are
some Arab settlements South of the 1956 Southern boarders and
seasonal Arab tribal movements for pasture. Such people may claim
the right to determine their future. Such settlements and seasonal
movements have been taken into consideration by all previous
administrations, leading to the existence traditional tribal
boundaries distinct from the administrative boundaries.
These
problems should be negotiated on an objective and realistic base and
settled to prevent the emergence of future wars and to create
stability.
THE SECOND CHAPTER:
Constitutional Legitimacy
This
chapter falls into two sections:
·
The
Democratic State.
·
The
Federal State.
The Democratic State.
It is not possible to base
legitimacy in Sudan upon loyalty to a historic family, nor upon
allegiance to a Regime established by a certain ideology and brought
to power by coup d`etat or “Revolution”. The positions of Sudan’s
dynasties and Regimes set up by coup d`etat or “Revolution” are
controversial.
There are only two remaining
bases upon which to build the Sudanese Nation/State: overwhelming
power, or Democratic legitimacy.
The establishment of the
Nation/State in Sudan on the basis of overwhelming power is not
right, not possible and not desirable. It goes against the nature of
Sudanese Society, and contradicts current International principles
and values. Our only viable alternative is to base government
legitimacy in Sudan upon Democracy. It best suits the aspirations of
the peoples of Sudan, and best agrees with the spirit of the Age.
Three factors must be taken
into consideration towards the establishment of the New Democratic
Sudanese State, namely:
FIRST:
The lessons of Democratic experiences in Sudan and elsewhere must be
well learnt so as not to reproduce the crisis of government, and to
produce sustainable Democracy.
SECOND:
Certain aspects are ascriptive they are religious, ethnic, and
cultural identities. Issues concerning them cannot be settled on the
basis of numerical majorities. Their affairs must be based on
amicable balances.
THIRD:
Sudan’s demographic diversity and its large landmass require a
decentralized system of Government and Administration. A genuine
federal relation between center and regions should be established.
On the basis of these realities,
the Democratic State in Sudan should be:
(A) Presidential and federal.
(B) Endowed with a strong elected
executive power to lead the vital duties required by the country’s
conditions, to balance the extensive regional powers, and to
symbolize the country’s unity.
Endowed with an elected
legislative body, which truly represents the reality of the
country’s political, social, and cultural spectrum.
Endowed with a capable,
independent, Judiciary to ensure the Supremacy of Law.
(C) To guarantee Human Rights, and Basic freedoms and regulate the
exercise of basic freedoms in ways and means which distinguish
between freedom and chaos.
(D) To regulate the organization
and registration of political parties so as to ensure that they are
National, Democratic institutions not confined to an exclusive
religious, cultural, ethnic, or regional identity.
(E)
The
organization of free Trade unions regulated to ensure wide member
participation, democratic composition, and consistency with I.L.O.
standards.
Over and above that, Trade
union legislation would ensure efficiency and discipline to guard
against their exploitation for the purposes of civil coup making.
(F)
To guarantee
press freedom and guard against press abuse.
(G)
The
establishment of a strong security apparatus to protect the
democratic State against internal and external subversion.
(H)
Extensive
measures based on Sudan’s, and other similar experiences, to protect
the democratic system from military coups d`etat.
THE FEDERAL STATE
Sudan’s experiments with
decentralization have so far failed because the regional units have
been financially disabled.
What is required for the
coming phase is: -
·
The
establishment of a federal system for the government and
administration of the Sudan.
·
The number
and boundaries of the regional units (States) should be decided upon
rational, objective, criteria.
·
Earmarking
regional financial resources.
·
The
country’s natural resources are National property. However, due to
certain circumstances, the greater percentage of it will be
allocated to the regions concerned.
THIRD CHAPTER: International
Relations.
Three factors influence
current international relations:
FIRST:
The drive towards Globalization fueled by technological and economic
forces.
SECOND:
The emergence world wide of regional formations to ensure the
realization of common interests.
THIRD:
The trend of cultural assertion to protect cultural and
civilizational identity from erosion and marginalization.
Sudan’s international
relations will be influenced by these factors. There are three
sections in this respect:
·
Regional
policy.
·
Integrational policy.
·
International relations.
First section:
Geopolitical Considerations
connect Sudan to the Nile Basin States vertically, and to the
countries of the Savannah Belt horizontally. Sudan is the link
between these geopolitical entities and should seek to establish
geopolitical formation, which serves the common interests of its
geopolitical neighborhood.
SECOND SECTION: International
Relations:
Certain geopolitical
interests link Sudan with some of its North Africa and Horn of
Africa neighbors. They call for a degree of Developmental and
Security integration.
Sudan’s membership in some
regional organizations, like the Arab league, and the organization
of the Islamic conference, could be disputed by some Sudanese
National groups. There are two choices to resolve such differences:
-
(1)
To continue
Sudan’s membership in these organizations, and to admit Sudan to
membership of other regional and/or international organizations
favored by the aggrieved groups.
(2)
To
decentralize the issue of membership in regional and international
bodies which have a cultural content. This should be reconciled with
Sudan’s role as a link between sub-Saharan and sur-Saharan Africa,
which are separated by the Desert and connected by the Nile.
THIRD SECTION: International
Relations:
The Development of Sudan and
the maintenance of its security necessitates a healthy relationship
with the International community. Sudan will be committed to
International legitimacy and make a clear break with any contrary
activity.
FOURTH CHAPTER:
THE TRANSITIONAL PROGRAM.
The following constitute the
transition program:
1.
The
implementation of the peace Agreement.
2.
The
technical aspects the peace Agreement, namely, cease-fire, the
integration of the armed groups, the voluntary resettlement of
refugees and displaced persons.
3.
Transitional
Justice:
Accountability, redress of violations, and the cleansing of public
life.
4.
Dismantling
the Partisan State by revoking the party privileges in the
traditional State institutions and the dismantling of the parallel
institutions.
5.
A mechanism
for legislating the new constitution.
6.
Administration of the country during the period of transition.
7.
Holding the
plebiscite for self-determination.
8.
Holding free
General Elections.
These
functions to be delegated to a National Transition Government formed
by the parties elected to the 1986 constituent Assembly plus the
political parties associated with the armed struggle, to be
implemented within two years.
FIFTH CHAPTER: THE NEGOTIATION
MECHANISM.
1.
The IGAD
initiative has been the most serious and sustained effort to resolve
the armed conflicts in Sudan by peaceful means. The IGAD initiative
suffers from certain structural defects. They are:
·
It is
between two parties which occupy extreme positions in the country’s
political spectrum. They are expected to agree upon conditions for a
united Sudan, which, between them is almost impossible, and failing
that there well be self-determination.
·
In the
circumstances, self-determination will lead to separation and the
emergence of two hostile Sudanese States. This is a scenario for
continuous war.
·
The IGAD
format should be restructured in three ways:
-
To involve
all the parties to the conflict.
-
Its Agenda
to include the search for peace as well as an agreed constitution.
-
To involve
Sudans North Africa neighbors as well as Horn of Africa neighbors.
·
The call for
restructuring and updating IGAD has so far gone unheeded.
·
Since 1998,
IGAD member States have got involved in regional hostilities, which
paralyzed their activities and allowed the I.P.F. to assume greater
activity.
·
The high
profile of the I.P.F. has changed the nature of the IGAD initiative
to become more of an International rather than Regional initiative.
There are now
two versions of the International IGAD:
An
American and a European version which have different agendas.
2.
The Joint
Initiative by Egypt and Libya is free of these structural defects.
The absence of certain guiding principles in it will be rectified by
the Sudanese parties to the National conference who are expected to
agree upon a Declaration of Principles for a comprehensive political
Agreement.
So far, the States of the
Joint Initiative have expressed their willingness to deal with the
IGAD initiative. The opposite, so far, is not true.
The IGAD initiative in its
1994 format is not viable. The international IGAD will create new
problems and its higher profile actions may further complicate the
situation, and fail to realize peace and stability in Sudan.
The viable mechanisms are:
A.
An enlarged
and updated IGAD format, which addresses the issues, addressed by
the Joint initiative.
B.
The Joint
initiative supplemented by a Declaration of Principles for a
comprehensive political agreement.
What is
required for the political settlement of Sudans conflicts is?
·
The
Agreement upon general principles for a comprehensive political
settlement.
·
Convening an
All-Party National conference to address all the points of conflict.
·
A regional
role to facilitate, observe, and follow up, to guarantee the free
fair and efficient implementation of what has been agreed upon. That
regional role to be aided by the international community.
CONCLUSION:
This document, if accepted, could be adopted as a position paper for
the National Democratic Alliance because it represents the Sudanese
people’s legitimate demand.
It could be lodged with the organizers of the two initiatives.
It is a clarion call for political change and it is incumbent upon
us to mobilize political and diplomatic support for it inside and
outside the Sudan.
(Note: This
paper was distributed to all NDA parties as a basis for a common
ground) |