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The Second
Kampala Conference on
Human Rights in
Sudan
In the first
Kampala Conference, the Umma Party has contributed a well researched
statement on Human Rights in the Transition in Sudan titled:
Second Birth in Sudan in the Cradle of Sustainable Human Rights,
presented to the Conference by the UP President.
The UP
appreciates the serious and sustained efforts of Committee of the
Civil Project in Sudan to address Sudan's current problems.
A summary of our
position on the seven themes of Conference are outlined as follows:
1-
The First Theme:
Social and economic challenges facing the
Sudan:
Sudan along with
other Southern Hemisphere's States suffers from underdevelopment and
poverty. They are to a great extent pre-modern societies. The most
important challenge they face is that of Modernization and
Development.
However, there are
certain social and economic challenges, which are unique to the
Sudan:
The first
such challenge is that concerning resettlement of the displaced
people, resettlement of the refugees and the elimination of all
aspects of war damage. There are now several studies on the problems
of displaced peoples and refugees. They should be updated and
developed to include programs of voluntary resettlement and
repatriation for both groups. As soon as peace comes, a technical
commission should be entrusted with function of planning and
carrying out a resettlement and repatriation Program. Repatriation
and resettlement should be linked with a plan to eliminate the
damage done by the war to the physical infrastructure.
The Second
socio-economic challenge facing the Sudan is the issue of unbalanced
development, which resulted in the deprivation of certain regions
and social groups. This deprivation coupled with cultural injustices
resulted in the Marginalzation of certain regions and their Peoples.
This issue is a threat to social peace and should be addressed in
Sudan's programs for reconstruction and development.
The Third
socio-economic challenge: The issue of which economic road to
development to espouse has been decided in favor of the FREE MARKET.
However, the Free Market does not exist as a natural gift. There are
so many pre conditions, which have to prevail to lead to the
emergence of a Free Market. To make the Free Market possible, and to
promote development, the State must secure the following:
·
Create and maintain the rule of law to ensure the legal basis of
society, protect rights of property, and guard the sanctity of
contracts.
·
Establish and maintain sound macro-economic policies in the
financial, monetary, trade, and investment areas.
·
Promote micro-economic policies conducive to economic activity.
·
Promote the development of physical infrastructure in transport,
communications, and energy.
·
Promote the development of social infrastructure in health,
education, and social security.
·
Seek to redress regional imbalances.
·
Protect the vulnerable sections of society.
·
Protect the environment.
·
Be mindful of positive association of development with culture.
The Fourth
socio-economic challenge is how to relate to Globalization.
Globality is a universal phenomenon, which represents the current
phase of Human Development. All Human societies have to recognize
this reality and prepare to participate in it. Globalism represents
the fact that in the present distribution of economic and military
power, Globality will be influenced by certain ideological and
cultural factors favoring the West, particularly U.S.A.
Globalization is that mixture of Globality and Globalizm, which, in
the real World, faces the States of the World. It is necessary to
seek ways and means of engaging in the Universality of Globality and
sheltering from the particularity of Globalism. In this respect,
two Challenges have to be addressed:
FIRST:
The issue of
which regional groupings should the Sudan belongs to?
Geopolitically, the Sudan is part of the Horn of Africa, the NILE
Basin, and North Africa.
SECOND:
The issue of how to preserve Cultural Identity, Cultural Plurality,
in the face of the acculturating impact of Globalization? The basic
principles outlined here to face the Seven Challenges should be
endorsed as a socio-economic charter for Sudan to be agreed by
political and civil opinion in Sudan.
2-
The Second Theme:
Federalism, Nationalism and Self Determination
(A)
There
is now universal acceptance by all Sudanese Political Opinion of the
need for Federalism. The June 1995
Asmara
Resolutions passed by the NDA Conference are, in reality, a vote in
favor of FEDERALISM in Sudan. However, all previous plans to
decentralize the Sudanese State have achieved that on paper. The
decentralized units have not been economically viable. They became
satellites of the center. The developed Federal Powers have got to
be accompanied with financial credibility.
(B)
There
are doubts about the Sudanese Nation/State. Particularly the South
can maintain that the Juba Conference of 1947 took too much for
granted. It did not constitute a proper participation for the South.
It did not spell out the conditions for a United Nation State in
Sudan,
which the South could justly join. Therefore, the succeeding Nation
State was built on the foundation of the culture of the center- the
North, and Southern socio-cultural interests were supressed. This
along with other factors precipitated the civil war. All Sudanese
political opinion now accepts the need for redefinition of the
Sudanese Nation/State to provide for the following conditions:
·
Equality if Sudanese citizens.
·
Recognition of Religious and Cultural Plurality.
·
Redistribution of National Wealth.
·
Just
participation in Political Power.
·
Establishment of unity on a voluntary basis.
(C)
The
redefinition of the Sudan Nation/State should be agreed by all the
country's political forces. To ensure fairness and transparency it
should be observed and witnessed by our most concerned neighbors. It
should be sealed by a National Plebiscite, which would give
inhabitants of the South a choice between three alternatives:
Federal Unity, Confederation and Separation.
The scenarios
envisaged for this process are the June 1995 ASMARA scenarios, viz.,
a four-year period of transition during which the conditions for a
redefined Sudanese Nation/State will be established.
The Plebiscite will
then either confirm the status quo or the other alternatives to it.
Any attempt to expedite and/or internationalize the process of
Self-determination will be counter productive and create conditions
for continuing the war under different labels.
3-
The Third Theme:
Children's Rights:
Progress in any
society could be measured in terms of the way it treats the weaker
segments of society. Many traditional societies are either negligent
of their children or down right cruel to them.
Universal Religions
and enlightened secular schools of thought have been vocal in the
recognition of Children's Rights. This along with other factors
contributed to two important relevant documents, viz. the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (1948), and the Resolutions of the World
Summit on Children's Rights (1990).
The children of Sudan
have suffered enormously from the experiences of displacement,
expatriation, resettlement in foreign countries, war conditions,
drought and refugee status.
The present Kampala
Conference should set up a workshop to study the problems of
Sudanese Children under the six extra-ordinary conditions herein
outlined. The workshop should recommend a program to be adopted by a
future Democratic Sudan.
4-
The Fourth Theme:
Refugees and Displaced People:
The Sudan suffers from
conditions, which led to many Sudanese seeking refuge in other
countries. However, the same conditions have led to even more
Sudanese citizens' fleeing the war zones and taking residence inside
or in the out-skirts of major Sudanese cities particularly the
Capital.
A social survey of
these Peoples is necessary. The social survey would contribute to a
program for repatriation of the refugees, and resettlement of the
displaced people. It is necessary to link repatriation and
resettlement to development so that the programs should be described
as: Repatriation for development, and resettlement for development..
This will have the double effect of providing an incentive for the
peoples concerned, and the enhancement of the development effort in
the country.
5-
The Fifth Theme:
Disarmament and Demobilization:
The culture of
violence spread in Sudan by the policies of the current Regime in
Khartoum, and the Peoples' reaction to them, has resulted in the
creation of a militarist Sudan. This mutilation of Sudanese society
will have to be rectified in favor of a tolerant civilian Sudanese
Society. The shift from the militarist to the civilian Sudan
requires an elaborate program, which the National Conference will
have to address. It is also incumbent upon the National Conference
to decide the optimum size and national composition of the Sudanese
Armed Forces, Police, and security forces.
When the composition
and optimum size of these forces has been decided, the present armed
forces of both government and opposition will have to be co-opted in
terms of the new setup.
The remaining armed
forces will have to be disarmed and demobilized. The disarmed and
demobilized elements should be absorbed in the development schemes
so that the whole process could be described as disarmament and
demobilization for development.
6-
The Sixth Theme:
Freedom of Association, Including laws governing Political Parties:
Sudanese political
experience in Democratic conditions have demonstrated that the
democratic and healthy development of Political Parties, Trade
unions, Press Freedom, and all the different aspects of basic
freedoms can not be taken for granted.
Freedom of association
along with other freedoms are necessary conditions for Democracy.
In 1998, the UP has
organized a workshop in which the issue of Basic Freedoms and the
Sudanese democratic experience was discussed. We attach here the
relevant study, which described the lesson learnt from the Sudanese
experience in the pursuit of Sustainable Democracy. The study
outlined that the lessons drawn for the organization of Political
Parties, Trade unions and the Press, are building blocks for
Democracy. Without their orientation for Sustainable Democracy, it
could not be achieved. It is necessary to have political parties,
which are National and Democratic to contribute to Sustainable
Democracy. A National Charter to request commitment to certain
National imperatives plus legislation to impose certain conditions
for the registration of political parties should be endorsed.
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The Seventh
Theme: State and Religion:
Religion has
played a vital role in Sudanese history. The archaeology of the
ancient kingdoms of Sudan in MEROE and NABATA shows the sense of
their religious zeal.
Then the
Christian kingdoms of ALWA, and MACOURA ruled Sudan. Then the
Islamic kingdoms of FUR, FUNG, TAGALI, and MUSABBAAT.
Then comes MOHAMAD
ALI’S conquest of the Sudan in 1821.
One of the main
reasons for the NATIONAL Religious revolution in Sudan – The MAHDIA
– is the religious violations of the outgoing government – so called
TURKYA.
Then in 1898 came
the so-called Anglo-Egyptian Conquest of the Sudan. At independence,
Sudanese identity reasserted it self in terms of the policies of the
political parties.
Religious
identity loomed large in the programs of the mass political parties.
That religious Islamic association alienated non-Moslems who had
their own Christian and African religious beliefs.
Sudanese
political opinion began to appreciate the need for an agreement to
accommodate religious plurality. Just when a constitutional
conference was envisaged in September 1989 to settle the issue among
others, the June 1989 coup d’etat put the clock back.
The Sudanese are
a deeply religious people, and even when they start with an
anti-religious position, they soon move in the opposite direction,
for example, the SPLM/A expressed Marxist Leninist tendencies at the
beginning. However, at a later date, in 1992, Dr. John Garang took a
positive attitude to religion and called the New Sudan Church
Council addressing the general assembly of the NSCC: ”The spiritual
wing of the movement.”
[1]
Statements such as the
separation of religion from State, and the separation of religion
from politics emerged in European history at a time when emergent
democratic society faced Church backed obstruction.
As European
Statehood matured since the peace of Westphalia in 1648, and since
European and American Democracy developed and matured in the 19th
century, Western democratic societies found a pragmatic balance
between Religion and State, Religion and Politics. Churches and
Religious organizations are very powerful in western societies.
Almost all-European flags have the Cross in their symbolism.
In Britain, the Queen
is both head of State and Church.
The House of
Lords, which is part of the British legislative and judicial
process, has a large number of Church's Lords. Many powerful western
political parties include the description “Christian “ in their
name.
Even in the most
glaringly secular State, the U.S.A, the political clout of religious
institutions is considerable. The current domination of the American
Houses of Congress by the Republican Party owes so much to the
powerful support of the Christian fundamentalist groups, pushed into
action by the Clinton administration’s too “Liberal “ policies
especially on abortion. Disgusted by the fall out from the MONICA
GATE, Christian fundamentalist leadership, which has in the first
place insisted on impeaching Clinton and expelling him from office,
has moved in the opposite direction. Pat Robertson, the prominent
Christian fundamentalist leader has had enough, he declared that
America had other priorities than to deal in scandal. His opinion
was an important factor in making the Senate settle for an
alternative to a full-blown trial.
The American
President is required to take an oath upon taking office.
Oath taking is
required by the constitution for many transactions. President GEORGE
WASHINGTON said:” Where is the security for property, for
reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert
the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of
justice “.[1]
The most mundane of
U.S. articles, the dollar, bears the inscription:” In God we trust”.
How can religion be separated from State?
The State is people,
territory, and powers: executive, legislative and judiciary. The
State has to recognize the religious beliefs of the people. The
State has to legislate to regulate some aspects of a national
religious community. The courts have to adjudicate in such matters.
Constitutional legal and judiciary procedures involve extensive
oaths, which have a religious content, and so on.
How can politics
be separated from religion?
Genuine religious
beliefs influence the political opinions and principles of citizens.
Those who can separate them are those who really have no religious
beliefs. It is not a question of separation, but of discarding
religious beliefs.
To speak about
secularism is also unacceptable, because in essence, secularism is a
philosophy which confines meaning in This Time and This Place, i. e,
worldly significance. It is a word with very rich connotations,
which invite and perpetuate controversy.
What we are
really looking for is not a reduction of religion, but an elevation
of citizenship identity, and protecting it from the encroachment of
any extra-citizenship considerations. We seek to establish:
·
Citizenship as the basis of constitutional rights and duties.
·
No
political party, which seeks power to the exclusion of others on
religious grounds, should be permitted.
·
There
shall be no discrimination on grounds of religion, race, gender, or
culture.
In Summary:
Citizens
should be free to pursue their religious beliefs so long as they do
so democratically, and seek no political or constitutional advantage
for themselves as believers, and recognize the principle that the
Nation/State is for all its citizens, without discrimination. What
we shall seek to establish and protect, are the rights of believers.
However, there are some sections of Sudanese political society,
which feel it necessary to devalue the rights of believers. In May
1998, in Pennsylvania University, SAYED STEPHEN WANDU, made the
following cute observation:
“Some of
the Northern elites, which call themselves secularists, seek to
enhance their position under the umbrella of identity and cultural
pluralism. After they have failed to find a mass base for their
ideology, they turned their attention Southwards to look for a cover
for their ideology or to persuade Southern elites to accept their
ideology to fight for it on their behalf. Those Northern elites
always express their ideology in extremist terms. They seek to
question and vilify Islamic Arabic civilization, and look for an
alternative to it, it is a counter productive stratagem, because it
leads to extremism in the opposite direction”
For the first time
since the 1989 coup, there is light at the end of the tunnel. The
Sudanese Political scene enjoys a margin of freedom. Within it, it
is possible to see several competing agendas:
(a)
The National
Agenda
which requires the following aspects:
·
A peace
Agreement based on the 1995 Asmara Resolutions.
·
A
program for Democratic Transformation.
·
A
National Transition Government to implement the following:
-
To
replace the
Partisan State
with the National State.
-
To
carry out the Peace Agreement.
-
To run
the free and fair General Elections.
(b)
The Totalitarian
Agenda
favored by many
elements within the Regime and some elements in the armed forces.
They seek to fish in the current troubled waters and reassert the
Totalitarian State.
(c)
The
Internationalization Agenda.
This is supported by Sudanese and foreign elements which find the
current Humanitarian Tragedy in Sudan intolerable, have no
confidence in the Sudanese Political elite's ability to resolve its
differences, and look up to the Security Council to find a Political
Solution over the heads of the Sudanese.
(d)
The War Agenda
espoused by
Sudanese armed elements which have emerged in the Tradition of War
Lords of Africa, for example, SAVIMBI, found war a profitable
industry, and may talk peace, but pursue war. They declare political
aims, which cannot be achieved by fair negotiation. They are the
terms, which the victorious would dictate upon the vanquished.
We look up to all
Patriotic Sudanese and their friends everywhere to support the
National Agenda and help defeat the other Agendas.
The mechanism to
negotiate the National Agenda is an all Party National Conference
observed by our neighbors in North Africa, and in the Horn of
Africa, plus Sudan's friends, the IGAD .Partner's Forum IPF.
The first item in
the National Conference should be a Declaration of Principles for a
Comprehensive Political Resolution of conflicts in the Sudan. That
Declaration would then constitute the Agenda for the conference.
The Regional and
International observers would witness the Political Agreement, and
observe its proper implementation.
After the
signature of the Comprehensive Political Agreement, a Round Table
Conference of Sudan's African, Arab, Asiatic, European, American and
Canadian neighbors and friends should be convened to help Sudan's
reconstruction, rehabilitation, and development program.
Attachments:
1-
Second
Birth in the
Sudan.
2-
التجربة السودانية والحريات الأساسية |